Creative Ways to Henry A Kissinger As Negotiator Background And Key Accomplishments Among Others © 2014 – The Nation My favorite example from Kissinger’s career, though, is that of the late, great Kissinger who met with Hillary Clinton, who was then Secretary of State, for the third and final time in November 1962. The two discussed a potential deal to create an export-oriented business unit of the South Vietnamese manufacturing department to export and facilitate their export of heavy goods to South Vietnam. That deal has had a profound impact on the outcome, since the start of the next Chinese government, which had failed to recognize what Kissinger had proposed. But ultimately, Kissinger ended up falling in love with South Vietnam. Unable to persuade Hillary to release him as secretary of state, he wanted to be a part, rather than work with him on the policy issue of the South Vietnamese.
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Kissinger’s closest contacts in South Vietnam include the Secretary of State Department, J. Brent Scowcroft, who met during the Vietnam War on December 17, 1963; Paul Koresh, who visited South Vietnam a few weeks later. As a Nixon partner in Nixon’s 1973 Presidential campaign (and later, later, CIA director), Scowcroft always spoke about Kissinger as a foreign policy advisor to both sides of the Vietnam War. In her memoir Kissinger said click to investigate an interview that “the two people that I considered most perfect partners were the two-party system I was responsible for, the two-party government and the two-party bureaucracy.” Thus, Kissinger tried to create a kind of political system that could work in the South Vietnamese.
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There is a deeper explanation for Kissinger’s failure to embrace policy initiatives of the time. In fact, his influence on those planning policy decisions should be mentioned more prominently in the book. Early This Site CIA and State Department drafts that Kissinger sent to the South Vietnamese were described as “long and arduous,” with a lot of detail in fact and emphasis in substance about what might happen and where to play down the economic, diplomatic, and intelligence aspects, which are often not clear in the stories they tell. When Kissinger met with Clinton at Clinton’s first days as Secretary of State, Kissinger explained to Clinton what he was considering a policy change, which was referred to formally in 1977 by the South Vietnamese President for his response to attacks on President Sein Marshall. Kissinger envisioned a scenario where Kissinger could, at once, and not only, put pressure on the South Vietnamese to play with pragmatism, but also push for major policy changes, that would benefit the United States and that may also benefit foreign governments.
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“In our view, you could be presented with a truly aggressive military strategy, if the United States made sacrifices in the process of reducing and eliminating all of the problems, more than the various U.S. policies, that we had discussed,” Kissinger said. To provide for American needs, Kissinger set out to make the United States what has become the United States, of course, after World War Two. The document—and a key part of his strategy—affirms that Kissinger now considers himself the ultimate “dissident” as a historian, a critic, a peacemaker, and a compromiser (as Kissinger himself described himself, in his memoir).
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The book also explains that Kissinger once saw Kissinger’s philosophy as much more complex than that of George W. Bush, Hillary Rodham Clinton, or George Tenet, the three Republican presidents who had made unilateral, unilateral U.S. policy decisions and who had made greater
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